Yasmina Reality

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I’m a Pomak. (What’s That?)

I’m a Pomak. (What’s That?)

My Muslim heritage goes back to the Ottoman empire when Islam spread into the Balkans. My paternal ancestry is Bulgarian Muslim or Pomak.  It’s such a minority, it’s still not completely recognized.  I’m a minority of a minority.  When hanging around mosques my entire life, finding a Pomak was like finding a needle in a haystack. We are rare. So we generally cling to different Balkan or ethnic Muslim groups willing to let us hang around. 🙂

Thanks to my brother for posting this website. It is a good explanation of my heritage. The name changing it talks about? Yes- my maiden name is not in its original form- it was changed to sound more communist. My Pomak cousins have 2 first names: their real, Muslim first name given to them by their parents at birth and- their government issued, islamophobic, white-washed first name. (Isn’t that special?  I will only call them by their real names.)  Anyway- thought I would copy this great description along with the link to the original page here on my blog for posterity.

~Yasmina

Bulgarian-speaking Muslims (Pomaks)

Profile

Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, commonly known as Pomaks, are most probably descendants of Bulgarian Christians who converted to Islam during the period of Ottoman rule, while retaining the Bulgarian language as well as certain Orthodox practices. Although precise figures are not available in census data, the minority is estimated at about 160,000-240,000 people, dwelling mainly in the Rhodope Mountains. The authorities do not consider the Pomaks a distinct minority and in the 2001 there was no figure given for them.

Historical context

Bulgarian-speaking Muslims were subjected to forcible conversion in 1912-13 and were the victims of government-led name-changing in the early 1940s. In 1948, the communist authorities initiated programmes aimed at their assimilation, including population transfer to areas of ethnic Bulgarian settlement. Between 1970 and 1973, vigorous attempts were made to oblige Pomaks to abandon their Muslim and Arabic names and adopt Bulgarian ones.

These measures were accompanied by violence and led to many deaths. In the late 1980s Pomaks participated in the mass protests at the name-changing campaign of the communist government. Unlike ethnic Turks, Bulgarian-speaking Muslims were refused permission by the authorities to emigrate to Turkey.

Even after the demise of the communist regime in 1989, Pomaks continued to face governments refusing to recognize their separate identity.  Beyond the state, Pomaks remain subject to outside pressure on their identity from a number of different sources including the ethnic Turkish community, and Orthodox and other religious groups proselytizing among them.  Some Pomaks, mainly in the eastern Rhodope mountains, have converted to Christianity, mainly by joining the Uniate and Protestant churches.

While those in the central and eastern Rhodope tended to identify with Bulgarians, in the more impoverished and neglected western Rhodope region the situation was different. Here, in the early 1990s a large minority of Pomaks began to militantly identify themselves as Turks. In the 1992 census, 27,000 Bulgarian-speaking Muslims are believed to have identified themselves as Turks, while a further 35,000 are thought to have declared their mother tongue to be Turkish, even though they could not speak the language. This was believed to be due to shared religion as well as economic factors since emigration to Turkey is perceived as one way of overcoming employment difficulties. Thus, in this period it seemed that perhaps as many as a third of the community claimed to be Turkish while a third saw themselves as Bulgarians with the remainder claiming some form of ‘Pomak’ identity. In the 1992 census 65,000 declared themselves as ‘Muslims’, ‘Pomaks’, ‘Bulgarian Mohammedans’ and the like.

However, the number claiming to be Turks dropped dramatically by the late 1990s to only about five per cent in the western Rhodope while the number seeing themselves as Pomaks – ‘Muslims’ or ‘Mussulman’ being the usual form of self-classification – grew to perhaps half the community. Another factor is the drift from town to country. Previously the community remained predominantly village based with only some 20 per cent residing in towns. By the late 1990s this had risen to about 40 per cent and the trend has continued. Pomaks tended not to move to Sofia but rather Plovdiv, Asenovgrad, Pazardzhik and other towns near or in the Rhodope region. Those who move to the towns tend to identify themselves more readily as Bulgarians especially as religious practice tends to decline in urban settings.

When the government formed an important consultative body on minority rights, the National Council on Ethnic and Demographic Questions, in 1997, Pomaks were excluded.

Current issues

There are no Pomaks in the National Assembly, and Pomak political participation remains restricted to the local level.

Upon its accession in January 2007, Bulgaria became the EU member state with the largest percentage of Muslims, comprised overwhelmingly of its Turkish, Pomak, and part of its Roma populations.  Despite anti-Muslim agitation by extreme right-wing organizations, the Bulgarian government has displayed a track record of religious tolerance.  Its ongoing refusal to recognize Pomaks as a distinct group remains grounded in insistence on Slavic ethnic homogeneity as Bulgarians.

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About the Author

About the Author: I'm a Writer and Muslim Activist. I'm also a Board Member of the #MyJihad Public Education Campaign. Follow my blog at yasminareality.com or follow me on Twitter: @yasmina_reality. I'm also now on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/YasminaReality Peace! .

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